Greek Cypriots keeping north afloat

‘The only reason there is some life in the market is because of the money flowing from the south’

By Esra Aygin

As Turkish Cypriots go through one of the worst economic crises in their history, Greek Cypriot spending in the northern part of Cyprus has proven to be a significant contribution to the ailing sectors from hospitality to retail.

For some businesses such as restaurants, the income from Greek Cypriots has meant that they could stay afloat.

“In the past year, it has been the Greek Cypriots, who have made it possible for the food sector to survive,” says head of the Turkish Cypriot Restaurant Owners Association, Salih Kayım. “Turkish Cypriots cannot not afford to go to restaurants anymore.”

The Turkish Cypriot economy has been in free-fall in recent years, as the Turkish lira lost 44 per cent of its value in 2021 and shed a further 22 per cent this year. Its fall in value has led to soaring prices where the economy is dependent on imports. The annual inflation rate reached 120.32 per cent in September. Although the official currency in the north is the Turkish lira and people’s salaries are also paid in lira, many expenses like rent and school fees are in foreign currencies, which exacerbates the situation.

As Turkish Cypriots experienced a huge drop in their purchasing power leading to a decline in their living standards, the devaluation of the Turkish lira made the north very attractive for Greek Cypriots, whose official currency is the euro. They started forming huge lines at the crossing points to come to the north for petrol, pharmaceuticals, clothes and even hairdressers and dentists.

This prompted opposition Republican Turkish Party CTP head Tufan Erhürman to say last week, that “we have come to a point where the Turkish Cypriots are watching while the [Greek Cypriots] are shopping.”

For the first time since the crossing points opened in 2003, there now are more Greek Cypriot crossings than Turkish Cypriot crossings. Between January and August this year, 1,883,000 crossings to the north were recorded by Greek Cypriots. During the same period, Greek Cypriots spent almost 30 million euros just with their credit cards. This figure doesn’t include cash spendings.

This is why the Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Commerce, Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Industry, the Turkish Cypriot Travel Agencies Association, the Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Shopkeepers and Artisans, Turkish Cypriot Restaurant Owners Association, and Turkish Cypriot Hoteliers Association are calling on the Turkish Cypriot administration to ease the crossings and open more crossing points.

“The only reason there is some life out there on the market is because of the money flowing from the south,” chairman Ali Ardıç of the board of the Chamber of Shopkeepers and Artisans says. “If this stops, businesses would go bankrupt. We have to understand this… The faster the crossings are, the better for us… This should be a priority because many sectors are kept alive only because of the crossings.”

The south’s contribution to the north’s crisis-ridden economy is not limited to Greek Cypriot spendings, economist Merkan Hamit explains.

Trade across the Green Line, whereby Turkish Cypriots sell certain goods to the Greek Cypriots, has generated a revenue of 8 million euros so far this year, according to Hamit. Boosted by the devaluation of the Turkish lira, sales through Green Line trade are expected to double compared with last year and reach 12 million euros by the end of this year.

This will be the highest in 18 years, according to İzzet Adiloğlu, the deputy secretary-general of the Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Commerce.

Another way the south is contributing to the north’s economy is through the Turkish Cypriots, who are working on the southern part of the island and living in the north. Although their official number is around three thousand, the real number is believed to be around six thousand. Assuming they earn the minimum wage, this constitutes a contribution of 50 million euros to the Turkish Cypriot economy, says economist Hamit. “This is the invisible services export between the north and the south.”

The Greek Cypriot spendings in the north, the sales to the Greek Cypriots through Green Line trade and the money earned by the Turkish Cypriots working in the south, all together constitute a revenue of an annual 200 million euros for the north, according to Hamit. This is 12 per cent of the Turkish Cypriot GDP, which is a significant amount, he says.

At least half of this cash flow from Greek Cypriots to Turkish Cypriots is through petrol stations.

“All this economic contribution is despite the fact that we keep Greek Cypriots waiting at the crossing points for hours, despite the daily insults by Turkish Cypriot authorities against Greek Cypriots, despite the negative attitude the Greek Cypriot authorities have regarding the crossings, and the Green Line trade,” Hamit says.

For comparison, as of the end of September, the total amount of money as part of the Turkish aid transferred to Turkish Cypriots was around 63.8 million euros. Out of this, 38.9 million euros were allocated to defence expenses. From the remaining amount, 21 million euros were allocated to investment projects including the controversial “Külliye” project and the upgrading of the Ercan/Tymbou airport. Less than 4 million euros were allocated to investments for the real economic sectors.

Economist Hamit draws attention to a “lack of vision” when it comes to the failure of Turkish Cypriot authorities to bank on this potential and develop policies to maximise the economic integration of the northern and southern parts of the island.

“The dominant actors in the Turkish Cypriot political life base their arguments on good relations with Turkey,” says Hamit. “Despite the fact that the money coming from there is peanuts if you take out the defence expenses, they will not do anything to damage the relations because that is how they win elections… For this reason, they do what they know best. They continue the rhetoric of ‘motherland,’ ‘nation,’ ‘flag’ and they look at this new dynamic with Greek Cypriots through an ethno-nationalistic perspective…. Because the society still believes in the fairy tale that the most loudly nationalistic ones will have the best relations with Turkey, and that this will bring welfare.”

https://cyprus-mail.com/2022/10/16/greek-cypriots-keeping-north-afloat/

Clues for solution: UN takes pulse of communities

Research findings were reflected in UNSG reports and UN Security Council resolutions

There is desire but no belief

For Turkish Cypriots the biggest benefit from solution is economic growth, for Greek Cypriots it’s the properties and territory

Turkish Cypriots want information on effective participation, Greek Cypriots want information on troops

Communities want to live under the administration of their own community

Both communities fear a possible conflict in the event of solution

In non-solution, Turkish Cypriots fear deterioration of economic conditions, Greek Cypriots fear de-facto recognition of the Turkish Cypriot community

ESRA AYGIN 

According to the research commissioned by the United Nations on both sides of the island, the majority of Greek Cypriots want the settlement negotiations to resume and believe in the urgency of a solution.

Negotiations should resume

The research on the attitudes, levels of trust, fears and concerns of the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot community, 70% of the Greek Cypriots wish that the negotiations resume and 62% feels that a solution is urgently needed. The percentage of Turkish Cypriots, who wish that negotiations resume, is 51%. Among the Turkish Cypriot respondents, 46% feel that a solution is urgently needed, while 43% feel that there is no urgency.

There is desire but no belief

According to the research conducted among 500 Turkish Cypriots and 500 Greek Cypriots at the end of 2018, although the majority of Greek Cypriots desire the resumption of negotiations and believe in the urgency of a solution, only 21% believe that there will be a solution to the Cyprus problem. Forty-four per cent of Turkish Cypriot respondents believe that there will be a solution.

The respondents in both communities with inter-communal contacts have much higher belief that there will be a solution. While only 14% of Greek Cypriots with no contact with the other community believe that there will be a solution, this percentage goes up to %29 among those, who do have contact with the other community.

Only 16% of Turkish Cypriot with no contact with the other community believes that there will be a solution, while among those, who do have contact with the other community, the percentage goes up to 58%.

For Turkish Cypriots the biggest benefit from solution is economic growth

In the research by the Office of the Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on Cyprus, respondents were also asked about the potential benefits from a solution. For Turkish Cypriots, the biggest possible benefit from a solution is ‘economic growth.’ This is followed by ‘an end to uncertainty,’ ‘exploitation of hydrocarbons,’ ‘territorial adjustments,’ ‘preservation of our culture,’ and ‘return of properties to refugees.’

For Greek Cypriots the biggest potential benefits from solution are properties and territory

According to the research, for Greek Cypriots, the biggest potential benefits from a solution are ‘return of properties to refugees’ and ‘territorial adjustments.’ These are followed by ‘exploitation of hydrocarbons,’ ‘withdrawal of foreign troops,’ ‘economic growth,’ and ‘safety/security.’

There is lack of information

The research, which included face-to-face interviews and focus groups and was conducted by Prologue in the northern part of Cyprus and CyMar in the southern part of the island, revealed that the majority from both communities do not feel adequately informed about the process. In response to how informed they feel about the process, %79 of Turkish Cypriots and 77% of Greek Cypriots said  ‘only a little,’ and ‘not at all.’

Turkish Cypriots want information on effective participation

Greek Cypriots want information on troops

In the research that was also reflected in the reports of UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres and UN Security Council resolutions, respondents were also asked on which aspects of the solution they would desire information. Turkish Cypriots expressed desire for more information on ‘how power will be shared to ensure effective participation of both communities in the central government,’ and ‘how the equivalent treatment of all Greek and Turkish nationals in Cyprus will be achieved.’ These were followed by ‘what will be decided on the issue of Greek and Turkish troops on the island,’ ‘what will be decided on the issue of the Treaty of Guarantees,’ and how the property and territory issues will be solved.

Greek Cypriots, who participated in the research, expressed desire for information on ‘what will be decided on the issue of Greek and Turkish troops on the island.’ This was followed by ‘what will be decided on the issue of the Treaty of Guarantees,’ ‘how power will be shared to ensure effective participation of both communities in the central government,’ ‘how the equivalent treatment of all Greek and Turkish nationals in Cyprus will be achieved’ and how the property and territory issues will be solved.

Communities want to live under the administration of their own community

As part of the research, which contains important information about the communities’ approach to the Cyprus problem, solution and inter-communal relations, the respondents were asked under which administration/constituent state they would prefer to live in the event of a solution. Seventy five per cent of the Turkish Cypriot respondents and 82% of the Greek Cypriot respondents said

They will prefer to live under the administration of their own community.

Seventy-seven per cent of Greek Cypriots did not believe that the members of their own community would move to the other side and live under the administration of the other community. Sixty-eight per cent of Turkish Cypriots did not believe that the members of their own community would move to the other side and live under the administration of the other community. However, 65% of Greek Cypriots said they believed that Turkish Cypriots would move to the Greek Cypriot administration.

Both communities fear a possible conflict in the event of solution

The research also revealed the fears of Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots in the case of a solution.

In the case of a solution, both Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots fear ‘conflict/fighting between members of the two communities.’ For Turkish Cypriots, this fear is followed by ‘becoming a minority, ‘lack of autonomy in decision making’ and ‘political and social instability.’

For Greek Cypriots, the fear of a ‘conflict/fighting between members of the two communities’ is followed by ‘increasing influence of Turkey in Cyprus,’ ‘becoming a minority,’ and ‘political and social instability.’

In non-solution, Turkish Cypriots fear deterioration of economic conditions

Greek Cypriots fear de-facto recognition of the Turkish Cypriot community

According to the research, which also demonstrated the fears of the communities in the case of non-solution, Turkish Cypriots are most fearful of the ‘deterioration of economic conditions.’ This is followed by ‘the Turkish Cypriot community being absorbed by Turkey,’ ‘loss of employment,’ and ‘political isolation.’ Greek Cypriots are most fearful of ‘de facto recognition of the Turkish Cypriot community,’ followed by ‘the Turkish Cypriot community being absorbed by Turkey,’ ‘status quo remaining,’ and ‘war/armed conflict’ in the case of non-solution.

 

The public needs to be informed and included in the process

Ninety-three per cent of Turkish Cypriot and 87% of Greek Cypriot respondents believe that the public should be consulted on major policy decision and on the peace process. Fifty-eight per cent of Turkish Cypriots believe that the leadership should inform the public and also receive feedback from the public. Sixty-four per cent say the Civil Society should become more representative with a meaningful role in the peace process. Seventy-nine per cent of Greek Cypriots believe that the leadership should inform the public and also receive feedback from the public. Seventy-eight per cent say the Civil Society should become more representative with a meaningful role in the peace process.

RELATIONS BETWEEN COMMUNITIES

‘Peacefully living together is possible’

According to the research, which also looks at the relations between communities and compares data from the last ten years, for the first time since 2009, the majority in both communities believe that the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots can peacefully live together. Fifty-one per cent of Turkish Cypriots and 61% of Greek Cypriots believe that the two communities can peacefully live together.

 

Again, compared with data from the previous years, the research revealed that acceptability of having neighbours and friends from the other community among Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots is increasing.

For 65% the respondents from the Turkish Cypriot community and 70% of the respondents from the Greek Cypriot community, it is acceptable that their children or siblings are going to mixed schools. Acceptability of having a common university is 75% for the Turkish Cypriot community and 77% of the Greek Cypriot community.

Sixty-one per cent of the Turkish Cypriots and 57% of the Greek Cypriots are open to mandatory teaching of the other language.

Despite increased crossings, contact is not enough

According to the research, although the number of people, who have crossed to the other side, increased consistently over the last years, personal contacts between the members of the two communities remains limited. During the last year 56% of Greek Cypriots, who crossed to the northern part of the island, and 35% of Turkish Cypriots, who crossed to the southern part of the island, did not have any contacts with a member of the other community.

Communities don’t know each other, there are prejudices

During the research, Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots were also asked what they think is the biggest barrier to closer contact and communication between the two communities. According to the findings that revealed how little the communities know each other, Turkish Cypriots said they see ‘distrust of the other community,’ ‘legal barriers,’ and ‘desire to live apart’ by the Greek Cypriot community as barriers to closer contact and cooperation. Greek Cypriots saw ‘distrust of the other community,’ ‘fear of the other community,’ and ‘desire to  live apart’ by the Turkish Cypriots as barriers to closer contact and cooperation.

To analyse the perception of fear in detail, the respondents were asked if they agree with the statements: ‘The other community has nothing to fear from us,’ ‘we have nothing to fear of the other community,’ and ‘I understand why the other community might fear us.’

Sixty-two per cent of Turkish Cypriot respondents agreed that ‘the other community has nothing to fear from us.’ Those who agreed with ‘we have nothing to fear of the other community,’ was 69%, and those who agreed with ‘I understand why the other community might fear us’ was 56%.

When Greek Cypriot respondents were asked to do the same, 73% of them agreed that ‘the other community has nothing to fear from us.’ Those, who agreed with ‘we have nothing to fear of the other community,’ was 38%, and those, who agreed with ‘I understand why the other community might fear us’ was 49%.

Trust is increasing

According to the research, there is a positive trend over the last 12 years of increased trust in both communities. However, more than half of both communities do not trust the other community. Forty-six per cent of the Turkish

Cypriot respondents said they trust the member of the other community, while 49% of the Greek Cypriot respondents said they trust the member of the other community.

Turkish Cypriots want the mobile phones to work

Greek Cypriots want joint excursions

The research also revealed the Turkish Cypriots’ and Greek Cypriots’ approach to confidence building measures. Turkish Cypriots supported respectively ‘lifting of the roaming restrictions,’ ‘island-wide excursions for Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots to visit places of interest,’ ‘cooperation between businesses in the two communities,’ ‘jointly produced education material by Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots to all schools,’ ‘opening of more crossing points,’ and ‘student exchange programs.’ Greek Cypriots supported respectively ‘island-wide excursions for Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots to visit places of interest,’ ‘cooperation between businesses in the two communities,’ ‘lifting of the roaming restrictions,’ jointly produced education material by Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots to all schools,’ and ‘student exchange programs.’ Only 37% of Greek Cypriot respondents however, said they support ‘opening of more crossing points.’

Support for cooperation with the exception of natural resources

Respondents of both communities said they would like to see closer cooperation in areas of ecologic and environmental issues, economic cooperation, cultural and sport events, addressing natural disasters, water management, electricity management and education. However, the majority of Greek Cypriots did not approve closer cooperation in the management of natural resources. Sixty-nine per cent of Turkish Cypriots supported closer cooperation in ‘managing natural resources, including gas and oil reserves,’ while only 36% of Greek Cypriot supported it.

Research findings were reflected in UNSG reports and UN Security Council resolutions

The research findings have been reflected in the UN Security Council resolutions and the reports of UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres.

The UN Security Council, in its resolution 2453 on 30 January 2019 called on the sides to promote peace education across the island, prepare the communities for a settlement through public messages on convergences, increase and strengthen the participation of civil society in the process, and encourage inter-communal cooperation, contact and dialogue.

UN Secretary General Guterres, in his latest report published on 14 April 2019, called on the leaders to prepare the communities for a solution and stated that research shows that a large majority in both communities felt little or not at all informed about what a settlement plan would look like. Guterres also underlined the communities’ desire to be included in the process. Based on the research findings that reveal that both communities are open to cooperating in many fields, the Secretary General called on the leaders for increasing opportunities for bi-communal cooperation and underlined the importance of the interoperability of mobile phones.

The Secretary General also stated that the research revealed the fears of the majority in both communities regarding the implications of a continued failure to reach a settlement including fears about the political, economic and social costs.

Turkish Cypriots feel sidelined (The Cyprus Weekly, 18 March 2016)

By Esra Aygin

The ongoing dialogue between Turkey, the Republic of Cyprus and the European Union regarding the migration deal has led to concerns in the northern part of Cyprus that Turkish Cypriots are being sidelined.

A conversation between Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and Pre-sident Nicos Anastasiades during last-week’s EU-Turkey migration summit in Brussels prompted Turkish Cypriot media to report a “secret” meeting between the two, adding fuel to the fire.

“Is (Mustafa) Akinci being bypassed?” asked journalist Sami Ozuslu in his column in daily Yeniduzen.

“The increasing dialogue between Turkey and South Nicosia – even if ‘informal’ – is putting Turkish Cypriots, and the elected leader who represents them, in a difficult position,” Ozuslu wrote.

“As a person who believes that such contacts have more benefits than harm, even I don’t approve of the fact that the elected leader of Turkish Cypriots is being sidelined.

“Real peace on this island will only be achieved through the active participation of the two communities. I don’t know whether Akinci has asked for an explanation from Ankara, but…Turkish Cypriots are being bypassed.”

The EU wants a deal with Turkey to stem the flow of migrants in the continent’s worst refugee crisis since WWII.

EU leaders have been involved in shuttle diplomacy between Turkey and Cyprus to overcome the deadlock.

The concern of some in the north is that the interests of Turkish Cypriots may be compromised in negotiations between Turkey, Cyprus and the EU, amidst the urgency and severity of the big picture.

Baris Burcu, spokesperson for Turkish Cypriot leader Mustafa Akinci, said that the dialogue between Turkey and the south is merely about the Greek Cypriot veto on the opening of certain chapters in the Turkey-EU accession negotiations, and does not concern the Cyprus problem.

“We know there are contacts in this regard, and we see these as natural,” Burcu added.

Former Turkish Cypriot chief negotiator and leader of the newly established People’s Party Kudret Ozersay said Burcu’s statements were a “confession” that the Turkish Cypriot side is being bypassed.

A senior Turkish Cypriot official speaking on condition of anonymity however said such concerns were “exaggerated”.

“There are no secret meetings between Turkey and Greek Cypriots,” the official said.

“We are being notified of every single meeting and contact. We are aware of every step Turkey intends to take. We are not being sidelined.”

http://in-cyprus.com/turkish-cypriots/

Stand up for federalism (The Cyprus Weekly, 7 February 2016)

By Esra Aygin

As negotiations to reunify Cyprus under a bi-zonal federation based on political equality reach a critical stage, there is little sense of ownership in either community for the concept of federalism.

While the Turkish Cypriots, guided by insecurities and fear, view federation not as equal and partnership but rather domination by Greek-Cypriots, the larger and more powerful Greek Cypriot community views federation as an unfair deal.

Such perceptions of federation have led Turkish Cypriots to seek as much power as possible for the constituent states and look up to Turkey for security.

Greek Cypriot politicians, on the other hand, including leader Nicos Anastasiades, frequently voice that a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation is a “painful compromise” reproducing the sense of dissatisfaction within the society.

In reality, federation is the way for peaceful coexistence, where Turkish and Greek Cypriots can enjoy the advantages of a united, stable, prosperous EU country, without one dominating the other; while at the same time, they have a degree of self-government and protection of their ethnic identities.

It is a successful means to handle differences and power struggles that are likely to occur between ethnic groups in systems where all the power is in the hands of a central government.

And like any other political system, a federation needs committed citizens to be able to survive.

Therefore, it is high time for both leaderships to lead all Cypriots into seeing a potential federation in a safe and positive light and developing a sense of ownership for it.

Professor Niyazi Kizilyurek, Faculty of Humanities dean at the University of Cyprus, argues that Cypriots need to see the prospect of federalism as a political virtue that has arisen on the basis of historical facts.

He said, throughout history, the larger Greek Cypriot community viewed numerical majority as political superiority and believed that it has the right to decide on the future of the island.

The Turkish Cypriot community, on the other hand, rejected being the minority and insisted it also has a say. “These opposing views coincided with the British divide-and-rule policy, and the question of ‘who has sovereignty’ turned into armed conflict in 1958,” says Kizilyurek.

“The two ethnic groups in Cyprus came into conflict not because of ethnic differences or hatred, but because of a difference in their political aims. ENOSIS and TAKSIM were fights over who was sovereign and who was a minority. They were fights of how the future was imagined and by whom it would be decided.”

Neither were Greek Cypriots able to become the sovereign power determining the future, nor wereTurkish Cypriots able to become a people with the right of self-determination.

Even when they claimed to establish a separate state, they were in fact unsuccessful.

“The failure of two historical processes on the island has led to the conclusion that federalism is the most ideal solution for Cyprus,” says Kizilyurek.

The latest round of negotiations is seen as the best and probably the last chance to find a federal solution in Cyprus.

But while creating a federation on the table, the leaders must start concentrating on creating federal citizens, who see a united federal Cyprus as a golden opportunity rather than a threat or a painful compromise.

http://in-cyprus.com/stand-up-for-federalism/

More progress achieved at talks (The Cyprus Weekly, 28 November 2015)

By Esra Aygin

Negotiations aimed at finding a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem by next May have reached a new “promising” level with substantial progress and convergences achieved on some of the most contentious issues.

In a series of intensive negotiations, Turkish Cypriot leader Mustafa Akinci and Greek Cypriot leader Nikos Anastasiades met six times in November, during which they interdependently discussed issues of governance, property, territory, economy and European Union.

The sides have made a lot of progress and have reached important convergences on all of these topics, with governance, economy and EU more-or-less closed, sources close to the negotiations said.

The sides decided not to make any statements about the substance of the negotiations at the end of the series of six meetings on Wednesday, because the stage of serious give-and-take on important issues – mainly property and territory – continues.

There is a good chance that the property issue may be finalised by the end of this year or in early 2016, which makes the goal of finding a settlement before the parliamentary elections in May a very realistic one.

United Nations Secretary General’s Special Advisor on Cyprus, Espen Barth Eide announced at the end of the meeting on Wednesday, that the two leaders “have discussed a number of issues in most of the chapters interdependently and in great depth and have made further progress”.

“The leaders have achieved a better understanding of each other’s concerns. They now feel more hopeful and confident that the outstanding issues could be resolved in the near future in the course of their negotiations,” Eide added.

The atmosphere in the negotiations has been very positive during the intensive round of negotiations throughout November, and the sides feel that the way talks were structured during the month has been constructive.

But the issues being tackled at this stage are not easy and there still is work that needs to be done.  On his return from Wednesday’s meeting with Anastasiades, Akinci seemed confident about reaching a settlement by May.

“The intensive negotiations were productive and we are now at a more advanced stage compared to where we were at the beginning of November.

“Our target is to agree on the parameters of a comprehensive settlement before May. And this is not only our target,but also a shared one… We are talking about 47 years of negotiations. In the last five months, we made the progress that was not made in 47 years.”

The leaders are scheduled to meet three times in December – 4, 15 and 20. The negotiators will meet on a near-daily basis in order to prepare the leaders’ meetings.

Akinci and Anastasiades also agreed on the establishment of a ‘Technical Committee on Education,’ which will review existing research and good practices in education in Cyprus and abroad and undertake new relevant research on how education can contribute to conflict transformation, peace, reconciliation and the countering of prejudice and extremism.

“Cyprus needs a culture of peace and tolerance and cooperation in education will be an important part of cultivating this culture,” said Akinci.

http://in-cyprus.com/more-progress-achieved-at-talks/

Feelings of mistrust (The Cyprus Weekly, 21 November 2015)

By Esra Aygin

The attack on several Turkish Cypriots by a group of young Greek Cypriot extremists and allegations that Greek Cypriot police stood by without intervening, has revealed deep-lying insecurities and feelings of mistrust among Turkish Cypriot society.

“At a time when we are making such a big effort for a solution, the biggest wound has been inflicted on the public’s psychology,” said Turkish Cypriot leader Mustafa Akinci after Monday’s attacks. Many Turkish Cypriots, including those actively pro-solution, questioned or expressed concern about the viability of a future solution on social media, while right-wing circles felt vindicated in their arguments that peaceful coexistence with Greek Cypriots is not possible. And that EOKA also was initially a group of several hundred extreme nationalist students was circulated widely.

“Turkish Cypriots have deeply ingrained fears and insecurities in their subconscious stemming from being a minority and having gone through painful experiences because of that,” explained Academic Dr. Bilge Azgin.

“When this is coupled with the fact that this is not the first such attack, and nothing has happened to the perpetrators in the past, these fears surface and shake their confidence to its foundations.”

The attacks took place at several locations in southern Nicosia during protests by extreme nationalists- reportedly ELAM -against the 32nd anniversary of the unilateral declaration of the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’. Two Turkish Cypriots were injured and some Turkish Cypriot licence-plated cars were damaged in the attacks.

The fact that almost all of the protesters were high-school students and that the incidents took place during school hours raised questions about the school administrations and the education system.

There also are many allegations surrounding the response of the police to the incidents. Some of the Turkish Cypriot victims reported that the Greek Cypriot police stood by and watched without intervening. Some said they were turned away at a police station on grounds that the attacks did not take place in their area of responsibility.

Another Turkish Cypriot man, speaking on TV, said he was told by a police officer that he was “at the wrong place at the wrong time”. Former chief negotiator Kudret Ozersay wrote on Facebook: “The police refused to include in the deposition of one of the victims that the attack took place before the eyes of police officers. They also did not include in the deposition that the attackers were connected with ELAM and had ELAM T-shirts on, and told the victim that ‘they were just a bunch of stupid youngsters’.”

“I am scared,” former Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat told the media. “If the Cyprus problem is solved but the attitude of the Greek Cypriot police remains the same, peace will not be viable. Because when they attack Turkish Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots will naturally attack Greek Cypriots. Where will these provocations take us?”
There needs to be concrete action against the perpetrators for the feeling of trust and confidence to be restored, according to Azgin. “All the allegations have to be investigated and the rule of law has to be applied. Turkish Cypriots need to feel that there is not partial but full justice. Such attacks going unpunished create a sense that the perpetrators are protected on a higher level.”

Similar attacks in the past have, in fact, gone unpunished. In 2014, some 70 ELAM members stormed a conference in Limassol attended by Memhet Ali Talat, breaking window and doors and throwing flares in the hall. The only three members, who were charged, were released after the court found the police’s arguments to be unclear and vague. In another incident 2010, ELAM attacked a KISA festival in Larnaca and stabbed a Turkish Cypriot musician. No members of the far-right group were convicted.

“It is not ELAM or the far-right groups that cause the main concern,” wrote journalist Aysu Basri Akter. “It is the inaction of the police and the tolerance of the state as a whole. Not being able to trust the police, the justice system, the state only breeds mistrust and fear.”

The widespread feeling of mistrust all across the Turkish Cypriot society was one of the main things that led Assistant Prof. Dr. Umut Bozkurt at the Eastern Mediterranean University, and her friends to launch an online petition titled, “Time for ending fascist violence, time for peace in Cyprus!”the day after the attacks.

“We witnessed that even the most pro-solution people on the left were suddenly pulled into this deep sense of mistrust and fear,” Bozkurt said. “This was our main concern.”

The petition calls for the relevant authorities to take necessary legal steps to bring perpetrators to justice and compensate victims; investigate and prosecute those responsible for politically instigating the attacks; conduct thorough, impartial, and effective investigations into the specific circumstances of the attacks and the general social conditions that led to them; initiate a wholesale reform of the education systems including the revision of curricula, teacher training, civic education, and introduction of specific and effective reconciliation measures; and initiate a public discussion on the role of education in peace-building, reconciliation and coexistence in a federal Cyprus.

Education, and coming to terms with the past are the most important issues that need to be tackled, for a sustainable solution, according to Bozkurt. “So what if you imprison 15-16- year-old kids?” she questioned.

“We have to be looking into the system that created those kids. The education system should be subject to a full revision.

“It should have reconciliation at its focus. We also need to come to terms with our past wrongdoings, show that we find such incidents unacceptable and deal with our respective nationalist elements. Both leaderships avoided these difficult issues until now. But it is the time to start.”

http://in-cyprus.com/feelings-of-mistrust/

Where does the solution lie (The Cyprus Weekly, 23 May 2015)

Esra Aygin

There is a widespread and very dangerous assumption, or rather misconception, among the Greek Cypriot society that Turkey pulls all the strings in the northern part of Cyprus and that, it single-handedly holds the key to a solution in Cyprus. This simplistic approach does not only demonstrate an inability to read the political and social dynamics prevalent in the Turkish Cypriot community, but is also very dangerous as it leads to the view that, “Cypriots in general have no power whatsoever vis-à-vis Turkey regarding a solution, so why bother?” It leads to taking the easy way out. It leads to passivity. And, we are at a time when passivity should be the last thing we resort to.

The resounding victory last month, of Mustafa Akıncı in the elections for the Turkish Cypriot leader, should serve as a clear and undeniable indicator that Ankara is unable to pull all the strings in Cyprus. I don’t think anybody, even the most wildly creative, would put forward the argument that Akıncı – who openly campaigned for a federal solution in Cyprus and relations with Turkey based on equality - is an agent of Turkey! In fact, it would be noteworthy to say that candidates in the northern part of Cyprus - be it in-party elections, local, general or ‘presidential’ elections - who were supported by Ankara in recent years, have all suffered losses.

After coming to power, the first step Akıncı took within the framework of Confidence Building Measures, was to lift the ‘visa’ procedure at the Turkish Cypriot crossing points – whereby everyone moving between the northern and southern parts of the island were required to fill a form and get issued with a stamped ‘visa.’

The Turkish Cypriot police at the crossing points now only make a quick check on the computer by entering ID numbers – similar to the Greek Cypriot procedure. The decision was made two weeks ago during Akıncı’s first official visit to Ankara, which happened days after Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan attacked Akıncı saying “his ears should hear what his mouth is saying” in response to the new leader’s call for a “relationship between brothers” with Turkey rather than one of a “motherland” and an “infantland.”

Ankara, which, until only a couple of months ago, was adamantly opposed to any change in the ‘visa’ procedure at the crossing points, has been forced once again by dynamics in the Turkish Cypriot community, to adapt its policies.

It is not the first time the dynamics in the Turkish Cypriot society have forced such a change. In 2003, for example, Ankara, under unprecedented pressure by the tens of thousands of Turkish Cypriots who took the streets to protest the regime, had to give a green light to the opening of crossing points, allowing Cypriots on both sides of the island to move freely across the green line.

It is an undeniable fact that Turkey has a huge influence over the northern part of Cyprus, and anybody who rejects this would be naïve, to say the least. However, it is high time for Greek Cypriots to stop believing that the Turkish Cypriots’ and the Turkish Cypriot leaders’ relationship with Ankara is a one-way-only channel, where Turkey can impose its will and policies easily without taking into consideration the dynamics within the society. And the stance of the Turkish Cypriot leader is of vital importance, especially with regard to the negotiations to find a federal solution to the Cyprus problem. The leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, especially when he has the support of a sweeping 60.50 percent of the voters - not only from the leftist pro-solution camp but the broader section of society including the Turkish settlers - is anything but powerless, and has a lot of leverage in Ankara. And imagine the leverage if we were putting up a struggle for solution jointly with our Greek Cypriot compatriots.

It goes without saying that a solution in Cyprus is not possible without Turkey’s cooperation and consent. However, it is obvious that Akıncı will not be the loyal follower of a policy fully determined by Turkey. Yes, he will have to constantly discuss with Ankara the issues that arise within the framework of negotiations. However, drawing on my experience working with former Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat during the five years he spent in office, I am confident in saying that this will most probably be a two-way working relationship based neither on surrendering autonomy to Ankara nor confronting it. Sides will undoubtedly differ on many issues and it will be up to Akıncı and his chief negotiator Özdil Nami to convince Turkey of the benefit or advantage of certain steps – just the same way as Mr. Talat, five years ago, eventually convinced a  rigidly opposed Ankara to support the idea of cross-voting in a federal Cyprus.

Turkey cannot risk further alienating the Turkish Cypriot community, which is growing more and more unhappy with Turkey. The Turkish officials, without a doubt, realize that the more they try to intervene or impose, the more

adverse reaction they will draw. They realize their weakening influence over the Turkish Cypriots, including the settlers. And it would be very difficult for Turkey to oppose an internationally-backed agreement reached between Akıncı and Greek Cypriot leader Nicos Anastasiades, especially if both communities stand strong behind their leaders in the quest for solution.

By electing Akıncı as their new leader, Turkish Cypriots have, for the second time in a little more than a decade, challenged the status-quo in the northern part of Cyprus and made anti-solution policies hit the wall. The Greek Cypriot community remained distant to the struggle of the Turkish Cypriots in the early 2000s. Will you hold our hand and join us in our struggle for ending the division of the island this time? Because the key to solution lies right here, in our hands.

http://in-cyprus.com/where-does-the-solution-lie/

CYPRUS – RETRIEVING THE PAST

ESRA AYGIN

Limassol – ASSOCIATED PRESS

24 June 2003, Tuesday 00:00

* EDITOR'S NOTE: Esra Aygin, a 23-year-old Turkish Cypriot journalist, crossed over to the Greek Cypriot south of Cyprus for the first time after Turkish Cypriot leaders eased a nearly 30-year travel ban. This is the account of her trip to her father's hometown in the south.

"Ozel, I knew you would come," shouted Andonis as he warmly hugged my father, who still couldn't believe he had found the man who saved him almost 30 years ago.

"You lost your hair," my father said, examining Andonis with curious eyes. "You got fat, Ozel," he replied, tapping my father's big belly. They had last seen each other in September 1974, when my parents fled their house in the southern city of Limassol for northern Cyprus after a Turkish invasion drove Turkish and Greek Cypriots to opposite sides of the island.

Last month, the Turkish Cypriot leadership eased a ban it had imposed on travel between the two sides, prompting more than 300,000 Greek and Turkish Cypriots to cross the line dividing Cyprus and visit their old houses and friends for the first time since the Turkish invasion.

My parents and I were among them. My father, now 65, always avoided talking about the clashes between Turkish and Greek Cypriots and the ensuing Turkish invasion. But the night before we went to Limassol, he told me about Andonis. As Turkish troops landed in Cyprus on July 20, 1974, the Turkish Cypriots in Limassol, including my parents and then 9-year-old brother, were detained by Greek Cypriot soldiers.

"We had no idea what was going to happen to us," said my mother, Yucel. "People were crying and begging the soldiers to let them free." After the family spent a night in custody, a Greek Cypriot soldier recognized my father as the physical therapist who had treated him some years before. "He drove us back home," my father told me. "And he told us not to leave the house. He was back at night with a basket with bread, cheese and a bottle of milk."

Adonis Ioannou, the young Greek Cypriot soldier, had risked his life to help my Turkish Cypriot family. My father hid for several days in fear of being rounded up again. It was a time when many people disappeared some in custody of Greek Cypriot soldiers _and my father sometimes wonders what would have happened had he not encountered Andonis.

About 1,000 Turkish Cypriots and some 1,500 Greek Cypriots are still listed as missing from fighting between the two sides in the 1960s and during the invasion, which was prompted by a short-lived coup by Greek Cypriot supporters of union with Greece. About 3,000 people were killed during those troubled times.

Nearly 200,000 Greek Cypriots from the north and 40,000 Turkish Cypriots from the south were displaced and divided by the "Green Line" that cuts across the Mediterranean island, home to nearly 1 million people, mostly Greek Cypriots. My father hid in the trunk of a Greek Cypriot's car to flee to the North. A British couple took my brother over the line, acting as if he were their son.

My mother pretended to be Greek Cypriot, burying her nose in a Greek newspaper as she crossed north in a car.

The easing of the travel ban was widely seen as an attempt to appease Turkish Cypriots frustrated at the collapse in March of talks on reunifying the island. Although Cyprus will join the European Union next year, the benefits of membership will apply only to the Greek Cypriot south and won't be extended to the Turkish-controlled north until Cyprus is again united.

Tens of thousands of Turkish Cypriots, including my parents, had taken to the streets to urge the leader of the breakaway Turkish Cypriot state, Rauf Denktash, to accept a U.N.-sponsored reunification plan. The state in the north is only recognized by Turkey, which maintains 40,000 troops on the island. It was an unnerving one-hour drive from the checkpoint in divided Nicosia to Limassol _ my first time in the Greek Cypriot south.

It was also the first time I saw my usually cheerful father crying like a helpless child as he stood on a wooden bridge across from the one-story house where he grew up. The house was gone, replaced by multistory apartment buildings.

My mother held on to him as they slowly and silently walked back to the car. "I feel like I have lost my childhood," my father told me later. "That house is gone, taking with it all my memories."

We stopped at a coffee shop to ask if any of the elderly customers knew Andonis. My father could only remember his first name _ and that his family had owned a grocery store.

After chatting in a combination of Greek and English over thick Cypriot coffee, a man offered to take us to Andonis.

He had been waiting for us. "I saw in my dream that you would be back," he said. "I had the same dream four times. This is a dream come true."

"This has been the best day of my life in the last 30 years," my father said as we slowly walked toward the checkpoint at the end of the day with two huge bottles of famous Cyprus wine and a camera full of photographs.

My mother, who grew up in a village called Moniatis on the Greek Cypriot part of the island, took a deep breath as if trying to trap the air of the "other side" in her lungs before reaching the checkpoint. She was 32 when she fled from the south.

"They stole 30 years from my life," she said, referring to the politicians' maneuverings that led to the island's decades-long division.

Reflecting on my parents' emotional return, I found myself recalling a Turkish Cypriot poem:

"My father tells me to love my country, But my country has been divided in two. Which side am I to love?"

Then I remembered what Andonis told my father: "We waited for peace for 30 years, Ozel. We can wait for another two or three."