Incompatible relationship: Crises between AKP and Turkish Cypriots

Gazeddakıbrıs compiled the crises arising from Turkey’s interference in the last 10 years in an effort to refresh memories, and also because remembering is a form of resistance. 

By Gazeddakıbrıs

Translated by Esra Aygın 

After 2004, an ever-increasing period of tension began between Turkish Cypriots and the government of Turkey. The initial ‘democratization’ process of AKP gave way to policies built on tension, conflict and destruction. These new policies had and still has a big impact on the northern part of Cyprus. 

AKP’s social, cultural and economic domination and impositions that heightened especially from 2010 onwards, created serious unrest in the community. This unrest has revealed that not only the relations between AKP and the northern part of Cyprus, but also the institutions in the north are shaped by the dominance and superiority of Turkey. 

Gazeddakıbrıs compiled the crises arising from Turkey’s interference in the last 10 years in an effort to refresh memories, and also because remembering is a form of resistance. 

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2010, “How much is your salary?”: Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, during a joint press conference with the TRNC Prime Minister İrsen Küçük, asked him: “How much is your salary?” İrsen Küçük responded: “Seven and a half, eight sir.” This dialogue created tension in the northern part of Cyprus. 

2010, protests: Trade unions protested Cemil Çiçek, the Turkish state minister responsible for Cyprus affairs at the Ercan Airport. The trade unions unfurled banners that read “‘Cemil Çiçek how much is your salary’, ‘This country is ours’ and ‘Our country is not for sale.’” In response, Çiçek said: “They are like the ones in the South.”

2011, ‘Servant’ crisis: At the Communal Existence Demonstration on 28 January 2011 that was organized in protest of economic austerity measures and reactionary policies by Turkey, there was a banner that read “Ankara Get Your Hands Off Our Neck.” Erdoğan responded by calling Turkish Cypriots ‘servants, who are dependent on Turkey.’ “There are provocative demonstrations recently in North Cyprus,” Erdoğan said. “They are organizing these together with the South. They are telling us to get out. They don’t have the right to demonstrate against Turkey like this. My undersecretary receives around 5 thousand… The gentlemen there receive 10 thousand liras, and still have the face to demonstrate against us. They are telling Turkey to ‘get out of here.’ Who do you think you are?… I have martyrs, I have veterans, I have strategic interests there. Turkey is strategically involved in Cyprus just as Greece is. It is rather significant that those, who are fed by our country are going down this road. We are supporting them. Should there not be some sort of reciprocity?”

2011, Halil İbrahim Akça crisis: Halil İbrahim Akça, who served as the head of Turkish Aid in the northern part of Cyprus got appointed as Turkish ambassador. This led to a new crisis. When Akça was serving as the head of Turkish Aid, he had told the TRNC president of the time Derviş Eroğlu during a visit that: ‘Turkish Cypriots should be punished.” This had prompted Derviş Eroğlu, to ask Turkey in a letter to not appoint Halil İbrahim Akça as Turkish ambassador in TRNC. Subsequently, AKP appointed Akça as the Turkish ambassador. Akça’s appointment as Turkish ambassador drew reaction by mainly trade unions and other circles. 

2011, Police violence: In July, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan came to Cyprus. Various organizations protested him in front of the building that used to be the headquarters of the closed-down Cyprus Turkish Airlines. Police intervention in the peaceful, non-violent protest was severe. A number of police officers assaulted the protesters. 

2013, Hello Beşir crisis: As the Republican Turkish Party CTP and Democratic Party DP were close to finalizing coalition negotiations following parliamentary elections, AKP’s state minister for Cyprus affairs Beşir Atalay called CTP Head Özkan Yorgancıoğlu to encourage him to form a coalition with the National Unity Party UBP rather than DP. The phone call took place during the CTP party assembly just before a vote on the coalition with DP. The phone call became public soon and turned into a crisis. Beşir Atalay’s call was seen as a direct interference with the will of Turkish Cypriots and led to reactions. 

2013, Hala Sultan College: Hala Sultan Theology College has led to a lot of tensions since it opened in 2013. The parents and unions collided on various occasions. The allegations that the education at the theology college is religious and reactionary became a constant source of tension in the community. The increase in religious education and Quran courses is still seen as a consequence of AKP’s reactionary policies. 

2015, ‘Infantland’ crisis: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan attacked President Mustafa Akıncı saying “his ears should hear what his mouth is saying” in response to his call for a “relationship between brothers” with Turkey rather than one of a “motherland” and an “infantland.”

After Mustafa Akıncı was elected President, he stated that “We are no longer an infantland. We are brothers with Turkey.” This statement caused Erdoğan to spill out his anger on Turkish Cypriots. In response to Akıncı’s statement, Erdoğan said: “This term is an expression of warmth. Mr. Akıncı is a president elected by the people of TRNC. If you say we are two brotherly countries, then you are painting a very different picture. Mr. president’s ears should hear what his mouth is saying. There is a reason why Turkey is looking after TRNC. Even being brothers has certain preconditions. This country has paid a price for North Cyprus. We have martyrs there. We continue to pay a price. Who is fighting for North Cyprus in the international arena? I wonder if Mr. Akıncı believes that he can fight alone. Turkey sees North Cyprus as the infantland and it will continue to do so. The rest is his personal opinion. He may backtrack from these later. And that would be a shame.” 

2015, Water crisis: The process of transporting water from Turkey to Cyprus through a pipeline started and ended with crises. The public opposed water from Turkey on grounds that it would increase dependence on Turkey and disturb the ecologic balance. A platform was established with the participation of political parties. Certain municipalities opposed it. This created tension with Turkey. The coalition government, which included CTP signed the water agreement. A number of CTP deputies and members later backtracked from their arguments and started voicing that bringing water from Turkey was an unfavorable step. 

2016, ‘We Reject’ and Coordination Office crisis: There was opposition to the establishment of a Youth and Sports Coordination Office by Turkey in the TRNC on grounds that this would threaten the Turkish Cypriot youth’s future. The ‘We Reject Platform,’ led by the youth staged large demonstrations. The Turkish Cypriot Constitutional Court decided against the law related to the establishment of the Coordination Office by Turkey. 

2018, 22 January events: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan reacted against the Afrika newspaper for calling Turkey’s operation in Afrin a “Second Invasion.” He pointed Afrika as the target. The organizations connected with AKP in the northern part of Cyprus attacked Afrika and damaged the building. They later climbed on the roof of the parliament and waved Turkish and İyi Parti (Good Party) flags. The public reacted strongly. Trade unions and other groups organized a large demonstration. Thousands marched against fascism and AKP domination under pouring rain. 

2019, Education protocol crisis: During the CTP-TDP-HP-DP coalition, the TRNC education ministry was pressured by the AKP to sign an agreement with the Turkish Education Ministry that would transfer the authority over the Hala Sultan Theology College to Turkey.  This pressure led to a crisis. Turkish officials refused to meet with the education minister, who was from the Social Democracy Party TDP. All appointments were cancelled. The signing of the agreement became a precondition for any appointment or meeting. 

2019, Peace crisis: While all parties and the government supported Turkey’s war in northern Syria, President Mustafa Akıncı made a statement that underlined the importance of peace. “It is called ‘Peace Spring’ but what is flowing is blood, not water,” said Akıncı. His statement gave rise to a lynch campaign led by AKP and its supporters in Turkey and the northern part of Cyprus. Erdoğan told Akıncı: “Know your place. You are sitting at that post thanks to us.” The support and solidarity for Akıncı grew with the lynch campaign. Akıncı took legal action against the death threats against himself and members of his family. 

https://gazeddakibris.com/incompatible-relationship-crises-between-akp-and-turkish-cypriots/

Turkey’s Yildirim says Cyprus peace process not open-ended

By Esra Aygin

The negotiations process aimed at finding a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem cannot linger on in an open-ended fashion, declared Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim in Nicosia on Thursday.

“We will continue efforts to find a fair, permanent, comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem,” said Yildirim in a joint press conference with Turkish Cypriot leader Mustafa Akinci.

“However, it is no longer acceptable to hold up the Turkish side and the international community and to delay the negotiations further. It’s time for the Greek Cypriot side to show a clear will,” he added.

Yildirim was in the northern part of Cyprus for a Justice and Development Party AKP rally later in the day to garner support for the April 16 presidential referendum in Turkey.

He was accompanied by Energy and Natural Resources Minister Berat Albayrak, Forestry and Water Works Minister Veysel Eroğlu and Maritime and Communications Minister Ahmet Arslan. Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Tugrul Turkes had arrived in Cyprus a day earlier.

The blame game that has been on the rise on both sides of the island since the Greek Cypriot parliament adopted a bill to annually commemorate a 1950 Enosis petition in public schools a month ago was prominent during the press conference.

Yildirim described the Enosis vote as “unfortunate,” and said it came at a sensitive time when the “Greek Cypriot side should have put forward strong desire for a comprehensive solution.”

“Instead of correcting this mistake… Greek Cypriot side is continuing to adopt an aggressive stance that ignores the sensitivities of the Turkish Cypriots,” Yildirim said. “It is obvious that this attitude cannot take the negotiations process forward.”

A solution is only possible “if the mentality, which doesn’t see Turkish Cypriots as co-owners of the island, is completely changed,” stated Yildirim. “A comprehensive solution is possible only if the idea of an equal partnership and faith in a common future are embraced.”

Yildirim ended his statement by saying Turkey’s main principle is: “Whatever there is in Turkey, will also be in north Cyprus.”

Akinci, who took the floor after Yildirim, reiterated that they are still expecting the Greek Cypriot side to correct the “grave mistake” of the Enosis vote.

“Correcting mistakes and taking lessons from them are virtues,” Akinci said. “Showing that they can correct this mistake would help rebuild the eroding trust between the two peoples.”

Reacting against the meeting between Nicos Anastasiades and President Jean Claude Junker of the European Commission yesterday, Akinci said that the Greek Cypriot side is exploiting the issue of creating a Turkish-Greek balance in Cyprus, “which is described as four freedoms.”

“This is an issue that dates back to the 1960s,” underlined Akinci. “When the Republic of Cyprus was founded in 1960, Turkey and Greece were defined as the most favored nations in the constitution. It is difficult to understand how this would now be presented as something new. It is impossible to understand why Anastasiades would go and provoke the EU.”

Akinci added that there are formulas and solutions to overcome this issue.

Although the Turkish Cypriot side has a strong will to solve the Cyprus problem, they are not seeking a solution at all costs, said Akinci, who warned that the energy issue could lead to new tensions in the region unless there is a solution.

“If we are able to reach a mutually beneficial solution, then our state will turn into the Turkish Cypriot constituent state under a federal umbrella,” said Akinci.

“If a solution is not possible especially because of the Greek Cypriot side, then the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ will continue to develop. And then, everyone will have to be prepared for a two-state, a two-separate-state solution.”

The AKP rally that took place last night in Nicosia was attended by thousands of Turks bearing Turkish and AKP flags and chanting “Allah-u Akbar.” Sunat Atun, head of the Turkish Cypriot economy office, Kemal Durust, head of the Turkish Cypriot transportation office and Kutlu Evren, head of the Turkish Cypriot interior office also took the floor at the rally and called for a ‘yes’ vote in the Turkish referendum.

The rally, abundant in slogans of Turkish heroism and valour including in Cyprus, was broadcast live by all the television channels in the north, including the public channel BRTK.

http://in-cyprus.com/turkeys-yildirim-says-cyprus-peace-process-not-open-ended/

Cyprus benefit from Turkey vote (The Cyprus Weekly, 13 June 2015)

By Esra Aygin

Turkey’s election result has ushered a period of political uncertainty, which may be an invaluable advantage for the Cypriot leaders to swiftly move forward with bolder confidence- building measures and Turkey’s Ruling Justice and Development Party AKP took a blow in last Sunday’s parliamentary elections losing the power to govern alone for the first time since it came to power in 2002.

Although it came out first in the elections, with 40.87 % of the votes, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP lost its single-party rule and could not secure the so-called super majority in parliament – two-thirds of the seats – that it aspired.

A super majority would have allowed AKP to change the constitution and create a more powerful US-style presidency, which would give President Erdoğan greater executive powers with fewer checks and balances.

AKP is now expected to embark on tough political bargaining and coalition negotiations with reluctant parties against a backdrop of increasingly polarised politics.

If all efforts fail, Turkey will likely be headed to a new election. Analysts expect weeks of wrangling to form a coalition government since initial reports in Ankara suggest AKP would prefer a coalition government to a new election.

“Nobody in Turkey has the luxury to be thinking about Cyprus right now. And a Turkey that is less interested in Cyprus is a more advantageous Turkey,” said Professor Ahmet Sözen of International Relations and Vice-Rector of the Eastern Mediterranean University.

“Some very good steps have been taken within the framework of confidence-building measures. The two leaders must turn these into big steps without waiting too long, and start substantial negotiations without delay.”

Sunday’s election was a historic turning point for the Kurds in Turkey as the Peoples Democracy Party HDP – with its roots in Kurdish nationalism, which aligned with Turkey’s liberals and seculars opposed to Erdoğan’s authoritarianism, passed the threshold for entering the parliament. The success of HDP – which won 13.12 % of the votes – means the Kurdish minority will for the first time be properly represented in the parliament with 80 seats. These 80 deputies are expected to be significant for Cyprus too. HDP has voiced strong support for the reunification of the island and the reconciliation of the two communities.

The possibilities for AKP, are a coalition government with the far-right Nationalist Movement Party MHP – which is seen as the most likely outcome –  the Kemalist Republican People’s Party CHP or the Peoples Democracy Party HDP.

An agreement between all opposition parties CHP, MHP and HDP – although a possibility – is seen as highly unlikely due to the sharp contrasts between especially MHP and HDP.

Another option for AKP would be to form a minority government supported by one of the other parties, and then to seek agreement in parliament on an ad hoc basis. However, commentators agree that such a government would be short-lived.

Although Turkey’s quest for a government may prove to be favourable for the reconciliation process in the short term, commentators warn that prolonged uncertainty in Turkey would take its toll on Cyprus, which will need a stable, strong Turkish government to support solution in the long run.

“If the uncertainty continues for too long this would have a negative impact on the negotiations as, at some point, Turkey will have to take some steps within the framework of the process or be involved in important decisions such as the future of guarantees,” said Mete Hatay, senior research consultant at the PRIO Cyprus Centre.

“In the long term, the Cyprus peace process needs the support of stable Turkish government that is respected by the international community.”

Although a coalition between AKP and MHP is feared to potentially have negative implications on the peace process in Cyprus due to the extreme nationalist MHP’s hardline stance, some experts say it would be very difficult for Turkey, no matter what, to derail an international community-backed process led by the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot leaders.

“I don’t believe that there would be a radical change in the policy Turkey recently pursued even if there is a coalition. No matter which scenario comes to life, I cannot think of a Turkish government not supporting an internationally -backed negotiation process in Cyprus. Maybe it will be more cautious, but it will support,” said Ahmet Sözen.

Besides the political implications, the Turkish elections have also had a financial impact on Turkish Cypriots. Although it is viewed as a positive that Erdogan’s aspiration of greater powers have been curtailed, the prospects of a coalition government revive fears of political instability and economic malaise. Following the elections, Turkey’s main stock index dropped 8%, while the Turkish lira plunged to a record low against the US dollar.

The collapse of the Turkish lira has a devastating impact on Turkish Cypriots since many goods and services including household appliances, house prices, rents, school fees and loans are indexed to foreign currencies.

All major newspapers in the north had the plummeting of the Turkish lira as their lead story for days that flowed Sunday’s elections and have been calling on the Turkish Cypriot authorities to take measures to limit the impact.

http://in-cyprus.com/cyprus-benefit-from-turkey-vote/

Which way for Erdogan (The Cyprus Weekly, 6 July 2015)

By Esra Aygin

Some 56 million voters will to go to polls on Sunday in Turkey’s parliamentary elections that are likely to create political turmoil in the country no matter what the outcome.

Many analysts are concerned that a Justice and Development Party that comes out of the elections stronger would spell as much trouble for the country as a weakened Justice and Development Party that is forced to form a coalition.

The election may see the ruling AKP lose its single-party government for the first time since it rose to power in 2002. It comes at a time when hopes for a solution in Cyprus run high and will have important implications for the peace process.

AKP, which has single-handedly ruled Turkey for the last 13 years, is going to the polls with aspirations of securing a super majority (over 2/3 of the seats) in the 550-seat parliament.

A super majority would enable the party to change the constitution, without having to hold a referendum, to end the country’s parliamentary system and shift to a presidential system.

This would give President Tayyip Erdoğan broader powers. However, at least three polls published in the run-up to the elections indicate that AKP, let alone winning a super majority, will struggle to even secure enough seats in parliament to continue to govern as a single party – meaning it could be forced to form a coalition government.

Polls indicate that the decrease in support for AKP, which currently has 311 seats, is mainly due to financial difficulties as a result of stalling economic growth and high unemployment.

The increasingly authoritarian and oppressive rule by AKP, restrictions on fundamental freedoms, corruption allegations involving senior AKP officials, and lavish spending have also played a role in the weakening support for the party.

The performance of pro-Kurdish People’s Democracy Party HDP will also be decisive in determining the next government in Turkey.

If it wins enough votes to break the 10% threshold required to gain seats in parliament, it could deny AKP a single party government. Different polls position HDP about a percentage point below and above the threshold.

Different scenarios

Although a super majority– or over 367 seats – by AKP is seen as a highly unlikely outcome, it is still one of the possibilities.

Analysts agree that such a result would lead to an institutionalisation of authoritarianism in Turkey, further undermining necessary checks and balances in governance and render Erdoğan even more aggressive against his opponents.

Some commentators draw attention to the existing tensions between President Erdoğan and the AKP government and argue that such an outcome would worsen the situation.

“Turkey’s problem is Erdoğan,” wrote renowned journalist Hasan Cemal in a recent article.

“And not only the senior officials of AKP, but even Erdoğan’s close aides increasingly acknowledge this fact… It is no longer a secret that AKP is contemplating behind closed doors how to get rid of Erdoğan.”

A coalition government is also likely to be problematic – especially if it is with the Nationalist Movement Party MHP.

Given its hardline stance on many issues it could prove ineffective in taking decisions and spoil consensus on sensitive issues such as Cyprus and the Kurdish problem.

Some political analysts argue that a third scenario, where AKP wins a simple majority with at least 276 and less than 330 seats, would be the most positive outcome.

In such a case, AKP would have the majority to form a single-party government, but not have enough seats to change the constitution.

They state that this would tame Erdoğan’s aspirations and force AKP to follow a less authoritarian and more conciliatory approach, while at the same time, providing for the stability of a single party government.

“Everybody is unhappy with where Turkey is going with an overambitious Erdoğan. It is going nowhere. A coalition government on the other hand would further complicate things and bears the risk of bringing AKP back stronger.”

“The best outcome would be AKP leading the election with a small margin that would just enable it to form a single-party government,” said International Relations Professor Ahmet Sözen.

No matter what the outcome is this Sunday, it seems rather certain that Cyprus will not be among the priorities or concerns of Ankara for quite some time and this is deemed invaluable by those following the process closely.

Journalist Sinan Dirlik said in Yenidüzen newspaper: “Turkey is heading for a very tense period.

“If AKP gains a majority that would enable it to change the constitution, the country’s agenda will completely change. The same goes if it cannot garner enough support to change the constitution and has to go to a referendum.”

“Things will be even more complicated if AKP has to form a coalition.

“While the ‘motherland’ is preoccupied with other things, it will be very important for Cyprus to take advantage of this, and take the steps to bring the two communities closer and to strengthen the dream of a common future.”

http://in-cyprus.com/which-way-for-erdogan/

Artice - Can an authoritarian Turkey help Cyprus? (Published in Greek in 24h newspaper in March 2014)

Can an authoritarian Turkey help Cyprus?

I remember my eyes welling up with tears, as I watched Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan walk among the crowd at the Ledra Palace crossing point in early May 2003[*], and greet the Greek Cypriots, who had just crossed over to visit the north for the first time in almost 30 years.

The charismatic leader, who had shattered decades-old taboos about Cyprus, was chatting with the Greek Cypriots and telling them that he desires to see peace in Cyprus as soon as possible.

The Justice and Development Party (AKP), which won a landslide victory in the 2002 elections, was the first party ever in Turkey to declare that the status-quo in Cyprus is unacceptable and vowed to work for a federal solution. The Turkish establishment had for decades insisted that “non-solution in Cyprus is the solution itself.”

In 2004, AKP strongly threw its support behind the Annan Plan. Whether we like it or not, whether we think it was sincere or not, AKP played a big role in getting the people in the northern part of Cyprus vote in favour of the Annan Plan. In the years that followed, the party officials continuously stated that the Turkish side would be one step ahead as regards the solution of the Cyprus problem.

More recently, Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu’s role in the finalisation and acceptance of the joint statement is common knowledge. He personally came to the island to ‘convince’ Turkish Cypriot leader Derviş Eroğlu to accept the joint statement, which lay out the framework of a solution in Cyprus.

On Wednesday April 2, Davutoğlu, on the sidelines of a meeting of NATO foreign ministers in Brussels reiterated support for a solution. “We want the negotiations to speed up,” said Davutoğlu. “The momentum is very positive. However it is important that this process is results-oriented.”

I am in no way trying to praise the AKP or defend it. I am just laying down the facts. In fact, I am watching in pure amazement as Erdoğan, who initially gained great internal and international support by wowing equality, making human rights reforms, significantly reducing the Turkish military’s role in politics, and initiating a negotiations process with the Kurds, besides supporting a solution in Cyprus, has gradually turned into an authoritarian figure with no respect for rights and freedoms. He silenced the media, favoured police violence on various occasions, banned Twitter and You Tube, passed a law that gives the government more control over the courts, and is involved in corruption allegations.

So, the question is, how can an increasingly authoritarian and intolerant regime, which is much more than a neighbour to Cyprus, contribute to a federal solution in Cyprus? Or can it?

Many pro-solution Turkish Cypriot officials as well as foreign officials and diplomats are assured that Turkey, under the rule of Erdoğan, will continue to sincerely support and seek a solution in Cyprus.

The question remains to be answered…

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[*] The Turkish Cypriot regime lifted a nearly 30-year ban on crossings in April 2003 and eased travel restrictions across the dividing line.